Skip to content Skip to sidebar Skip to footer
Home / Us Black Single Parent Families in Poverty by State

Us Black Single Parent Families in Poverty by State

Post a Comment

The family structure of African Americans has long been a thing of national public policy interest.[2] A 1965 report by Daniel Patrick Moynihan, known equally The Moynihan Written report, examined the link between black poverty and family unit structure.[2] It hypothesized that the destruction of the black nuclear family unit structure would hinder further progress toward economical and political equality.[ii]

When Moynihan wrote in 1965 on the coming destruction of the blackness family, the out-of-spousal relationship birth rate was 25% among black people.[3] In 1991, 68% of black children were born outside of marriage (where 'spousal relationship' is defined with a government-issued license).[iv] In 2011, 72% of black babies were built-in to unmarried mothers,[5] [vi] while the 2018 National Vital Statistics Report provides a figure of 69.4 percent for this condition.[7]

Among all newlyweds, 18.0% of black Americans in 2015 married not-black spouses.[viii] 24% of all black male newlyweds in 2015 married exterior their race, compared with 12% of black female newlyweds.[viii] 5.5% of black males married white women in 1990.[9]

History [edit]

An African American family unit, photographed between 1918-22. Courtesy of the DeGolyer Library, Southern Methodist University.

Co-ordinate to data extracted from 1910 U.S. Census manuscripts, compared to white women, black women were more probable to become teenage mothers, stay single and have wedlock instability, and were thus much more likely to live in female-headed unmarried-parent homes.[10] [11] This pattern has been known as blackness matriarchy because of the observance of many households headed by women.[11]

The breakdown of the black family unit was first brought to national attention in 1965 by sociologist and later Democratic Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, in the groundbreaking Moynihan Report (also known as "The Negro Family: The Example For National Activeness").[12] Moynihan'southward study made the argument that the relative absence of nuclear families (those having both a married father and mother present) in black America would profoundly hinder further black socio-economic progress.[12]

The electric current almost widespread African-American family structure consisting of a single parent has historical roots dating back to 1880.[thirteen] A study of 1880 family structures in Philadelphia, showed that three-quarters of blackness families were nuclear families, composed of two parents and children.[14] Data from U.Southward. Census reports reveal that between 1880 and 1960, married households consisting of ii-parent homes were the most widespread form of African-American family structures.[xiii] Although the virtually popular, married households decreased over this time period. Single-parent homes, on the other mitt, remained relatively stable until 1960; when they rose dramatically.[13]

In the Harlem neighborhood of New York City in 1925, 85 percent of kin-related black households had 2 parents.[15] When Moynihan warned in his 1965 report on the coming destruction of the blackness family, yet, the out-of-wedlock birthrate had increased to 25% among the black population.[12] This figure continued to rise over time and in 1991, 68% of black children were born outside of spousal relationship.[16] U.Southward. Census data from 2010 reveal that more than African-American families consisted of single mothers than married households with both parents.[17] In 2011, it was reported that 72% of black babies were born to single mothers.[11] As of 2015, at 77.3 percent, black Americans accept the highest rate of non-marital births amongst native Americans.[eighteen]

In 2016 29% of African Americans were married, while 48% of all Americans were. Besides, fifty% of African Americans have never been married in contrast to 33% of all Americans. In 2016 but nether one-half (48%) of black women had never been married which is an increase from 44% in 2008 and 42.7% in 2005. 52% of black men had never been married. Also, 15% percent of blackness men were married to non-black women which is up from 11% in 2010. Black women were the least probable to marry not-black men at only vii% in 2017.[19]

The African-American family unit construction has been divided into a twelve-part typology that is used to bear witness the differences in the family structure based on "gender, marital status, and the presence or absence of children, other relatives or not-relatives."[xx] These family unit sub-structures are divided upwards into 3 major structures: nuclear families, extended families, and augmented families.

African-American families at a glance [edit]

African-American nuclear families [edit]

Andrew Billingsley'southward research on the African-American nuclear family is organized into four groups: Incipient Nuclear, Simple Nuclear, Segmented Nuclear I, and Segmented Nuclear II.[20] In 1992 Paul Glick supplied statistics showing the African-American nuclear family construction consisted of eighty% of total African-American families in comparison to 90% of all US families.[21] According to Billingsley, the African-American incipient nuclear family structure is defined as a married couple with no children.[20]

In 1992 47% of African-American families had an incipient nuclear family in comparison to 54% of all United states of america incipient nuclear families.[22] The African-American simple nuclear family structure has been defined as a married couple with children.[20] This is the traditional norm for the composition of African-American families.[23] In 1992 25% of African-American families were elementary nuclear families in comparison to 36% of all US families.[22] About 67 per centum of black children are built-in into a single parent household.[24]

The African-American segmented nuclear I (single mother and children) and Ii (unmarried father and children) family structures are defined every bit a parent–kid relationship.[20] In 1992, 94% of African-American segmented nuclear families were equanimous of an unmarried mother and children.[22] Glick'southward research plant that single parent families are twice every bit prevalent in African-American families as they are in other races, and this gap continues to widen.[21]

African-American extended families [edit]

Billingsley's research continued with the African-American extended family structure, which is composed of principal members plus other relatives.[20] Extended families take the same sub-structures every bit nuclear families, incipient, elementary, segmented I, and segmented II, with the addition of grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins and additional family members. Billingsley's research institute that the extended family structure is predominantly in the segmented I sub-structured families.[xx]

In 1992 47% of all African-American extended families were segmented extended family structures, compared to 12% of all other races combined.[25] Billingsley's research shows that in the African-American family the extended relative is often the grandparents.[26]

African-American augmented families [edit]

Billingsley's research revealed some other type of African-American family, called the augmented family construction, which is a family composed of the principal members, plus nonrelatives.[twenty] Billingsley'southward case study constitute that this family structure accounted for 8% of black families in 1990.[27] This family construction is different from the traditional norm family unit discussed earlier, it combines the nuclear and extended family unit units with nonrelatives. This structure also has the incipient, unproblematic, segmented I, and segmented II sub-structures.[twenty]

Not-family unit households [edit]

Billingsley introduced a new family construction that branches from the augmented family unit structure.[27] The African-American population is starting to see a new structure known every bit a not-family household. This not-family household contains no relatives.[28] According to Glick in 1992, 37% of all households in the United states of america were a nonfamily household, with more than half of this per centum being African-Americans.[29]

African-American interracial marriages [edit]

Among all newlyweds, 18.0% of Blackness Americans in 2015 married someone whose race or ethnicity was different from their own.[8] 24% of all Black male newlyweds in 2015 married outside their race, compared with 12% of Black female newlyweds.[8]

In the United States in that location has been a historical disparity between Black female and Back male exogamy ratios. There were 354,000 White female/Black male person and 196,000 Black female/White male marriages in March 2009, representing a ratio of 181:100.[30]

This traditional disparity has seen a rapid decline over the concluding 2 decades, contrasted with its peak in 1981 when the ratio was even so 371:100.[31] In 2007, 4.6% of all married Black people in the United States were midweek to a White partner, and 0.4% of all Whites were married to a Blackness partner.[32]

The overall rate of African-Americans marrying non-Blackness spouses has more than tripled between 1980 and 2015, from 5% to 18%.[8]

African-American family members at a glance [edit]

E. Franklin Frazier has described the current African-American family structure as having two models, ane in which the father is viewed as a patriarch and the sole breadwinner, and one where the mother takes on a matriarchal part in the place of a fragmented household.[33] In defining family unit, James Stewart describes it as "an institution that interacts with other institutions forming a social network."[23]

Stewart'due south research concludes that the African-American family unit has traditionally used this definition to construction institutions that upholds values tied to other blackness institutions resulting in unique societal standards that deal with "economics, politics, education, health, welfare, law, culture, organized religion, and the media."[34] Ruggles argues that the modern black U.S. family has seen a change in this tradition and is now viewed as predominantly single parent, specifically black matriarchy.[13]

Father representative [edit]

In 1997, McAdoo stated that African-American families are "oft regarded as poor, fatherless, dependent of governmental assistance, and involved in producing a multitude of children outside of union."[35] Thomas, Krampe and Newton testify that in 2005 39% of African-American children did not alive with their biological father and 28% of African-American children did non live with any male parent representative, compared to 15% of white children who were without a father representative.[36] In the African-American culture, the begetter representative has historically acted as a role model for 2 out of every three African-American children.[37]

Thomas, Krampe, and Newton relies on a 2002 survey that shows how the father'southward lack of presence has resulted in several negative effects on children ranging from educational activity operation to teen pregnancy.[38] Whereas the father presence tends to have an opposite effect on children, increasing their chances on having a greater life satisfaction. Thomas, Krampe, and Newton'southward research shows that 32% of African-American fathers rarely to never visit their children, compared to eleven% of white fathers.[36]

In 2001, Hamer showed that many[ vague ] African-American youth did non know how to approach their begetter when in his presence.[39] This survey also ended that the not resident fathers who did visit their child said that their role consisted of primarily spending time with their children, providing discipline and being a part model.[40] John McAdoo also noted that the residential father role consists of beingness the provider and decision maker for the household.[41] This concept of the male parent'due south part resembles the theory of hegemonic masculinity. Quaylan Allan suggests that the continuous comparison of white hegemonic masculinity to black manhood, tin can also add a negative effect on the presence of the father in the African-American family structure[42]

Female parent representative [edit]

Melvin Wilson suggests that in the African-American family structure a female parent's role is determined by her human relationship status, is she a single mother or a married mother?[43] According to Wilson, in well-nigh African-American married families a mother'due south roles is dominated past her household responsibilities.[44] Wilson research states that African American married families, in contrast to White families, practice not take gender specific roles for household services.[45] The mother and wife is responsible for all household services around the house.[44]

Co-ordinate to Wilson, the married mother's tasks effectually the firm is described equally a full-time job. This full-time task of household responsibilities is often the second job that an African-American adult female takes on.[45] The first job is her regular eight hour work day that she spends outside of the home. Wilson as well notes that this responsibility that the mother has in the married family determines the life satisfaction of the family unit as a whole.[45]

Melvin Wilson states that the unmarried female parent role in the African-American family is played by 94% of African-American single parents.[46] Co-ordinate to Brown, unmarried parent motherhood in the African-American civilisation is becoming more than a "proactive" choice.[47] Melvin Wilson's enquiry shows 62% of single African-American women said this choice is in response to divorce, adoption, or simply non marriage compared to 33% of single white women.[48] In this position African-American unmarried mothers see themselves playing the role of the mother and the father.[47]

Though the role of a single female parent is like to the role of a married mother, to take care of household responsibilities and piece of work a full-time chore, the single mothers' responsibility is greater since she does non have a second party income that a partner would provide for her family members. According to Brown, this lack of a second party income has resulted in the bulk of African American children raised in single mother households having a poor upbringing.[49]

Child [edit]

In Margaret Spencer's instance study on children living in southern metropolitan areas, she shows that children tin can simply abound through enculturation of a particular guild.[fifty] The child'southward development is dependent on three areas: child-rearing practices, individual heredity, and experienced cultural patterns. Spencer's research as well concludes that African-American children have become subject to inconsistencies in lodge based on their skin colour.[51] These inconsistencies continue to place an increased amount of environmental stress on African-American families which consequence in the failure of virtually African-American children to reach their full potential.[52]

Similar to most races, challenges that African-American families experience are usually dependent on the children'due south historic period groups.[53] The African-American families experience a great deal of bloodshed within the infant and toddler age grouping. In detail the babe bloodshed rate is "twice as high for black children as for children in the nation equally a whole."[53] The bloodshed in this historic period group is accompanied past a significant number of illnesses in the pre- and post-natal care stages, forth with the failure to place these children into a positive, progressive learning environment once they go toddlers.[54] This foundation has led to African-American children facing teen pregnancy, juvenile detention, and other behavioral problems because they were non given the proper development to successfully face the earth and social inconsistencies they will encounter.[54]

Extended family members [edit]

Jones, Zalot, Foster, Sterrett, and Chester executed a written report examining the childrearing assistance given to young adults and African-American unmarried mothers.[55] The majority of extended family members, including aunts, uncles, cousins, grandparents, and occasionally non-relatives, are put into this category.[55] : 673 In Jones enquiry she also notes that 97% of single mother's ages 28–40 admitted that they rely on at to the lowest degree one extended family member for assistance in raising their children.[55] : 676

Extended family members have an immense amount of responsibleness in the majority of African-American families, specially single parent households. According to Jones, the reason these extended family members are included in having a necessary function in the family unit is because they play a cardinal role in assuring the health and well-being of the children.[55] : 673 The extended family members' responsibilities range from child rearing, financial aid, offering a place to live, and meals.[55] : 674

Theories [edit]

Economic theories [edit]

There are several hypotheses – both social and economic – explaining the persistence of the electric current African-American family construction. Some researchers conjecture that the low economic statuses of the newly freed slaves in 1850 led to the electric current family structure for African Americans. These researchers propose that farthermost poverty has increased the destabilization of African American families while others point to loftier female labor participation, few chore opportunities for black males, and small differences between wages for men and women that take decreased marriage stability for blackness families.[thirteen]

Another economic theory dates back to the late 1950s and early on '60s, the creation of the "Human being-in-the-Firm" rule; this restricted two parent households from receiving government benefits which made many black fathers motility out to be able to receive assist to back up their families. These rules were later abolished when the Supreme Court ruled against these exclusions in the case of King vs Smith.[56]

Economic condition has proved to not always negatively affect single-parent homes, notwithstanding. Rather, in an 1880 census, at that place was a positive relationship between the number of black single-parent homes and per-capita county wealth.[13] Moreover, literate young mothers in the 1880s were less likely to reside in a home with a spouse than illiterate mothers.[13] This suggests that economic factors following slavery lone cannot business relationship for the family styles seen by African Americans since blacks who were illiterate and lived in the worst neighborhoods were the well-nigh likely to alive in a two-parent abode.

Traditional African influences [edit]

Other explanations incorporate social mechanisms for the specific patterns of the African American family construction. Some researchers bespeak to differences in norms regarding the demand to live with a spouse and with children for African-Americans. Patterns seen in traditional African cultures are also considered a source for the current trends in unmarried-parent homes. As noted by Antonio McDaniel, the reliance of African-American families on kinship networks for financial, emotional, and social support can be traced back to African cultures, where the emphasis was on extended families, rather than the nuclear family.[57]

Some researchers have hypothesized that these African traditions were modified by experiences during slavery, resulting in a electric current African-American family construction that relies more than on extended kin networks.[57] The author notes that slavery caused a unique state of affairs for African slaves in that it alienated them from both true African and white culture then that slaves could not place completely with either culture. As a result, slaves were culturally adaptive and formed family structures that best conform their environment and state of affairs.[57]

Post-1960s expansion of the U.S. welfare land [edit]

The American economists Walter E. Williams and Thomas Sowell contend that the meaning expansion of federal welfare under the Great Society programs beginning in the 1960s contributed to the destruction of African American families.[58] [59] Sowell has argued: "The black family unit, which had survived centuries of slavery and discrimination, began chop-chop disintegrating in the liberal welfare state that subsidized unwed pregnancy and changed welfare from an emergency rescue to a mode of life."[59]

There are several other factors which may have accelerated decline of the black family construction such as one) The advancement of engineering science lessening the need for transmission labor to more technical know-how labor; and 2) The women's rights movement in full general opened up employment positions increasing contest, especially from white women, in many non-traditional areas which skilled blacks may have contributed to maintain their family construction in the midst of the rising of the price of living.[60]

Decline of black marriages [edit]

The rate of African American wedlock is consistently lower than White Americans, and is declining.[61] These trends are and then pervasive that families who are married are considered a minority family construction for blacks.[61] In 1970, 64% of adult African Americans were married. This charge per unit was cut in one-half by 2004, when information technology was 32%.[61] In 2004, 45% of African Americans had never been married compared to only 25% of White Americans.[61]

While research has shown that union rates accept dropped for African Americans, the birth rate has not. Thus, the number of single-parent homes has risen dramatically for blackness women. 1 reason for the low rates of African American marriages is high age of starting time marriage for many African Americans. For African American women, the marriage rate increases with age compared to White Americans who follow the same trends just marry at younger ages than African Americans.[61]

One study found that the average historic period of wedlock for black women with a high schoolhouse caste was 21.8 years compared to twenty.8 years for white women.[61] Fewer labor force opportunities and a decline in real earnings for blackness males since 1960 are also recognized as sources of increasing marital instability.[63] As some researchers argue, these 2 trends have led to a pool of fewer desirable male partners and thus resulted in more divorces.

I type of marriage that has declined is the shotgun union.[64] This drop in rate is documented past the number of out-of-wedlock births that at present commonly occur.[64] Between 1965 and 1989, iii-quarters of white out-of-wedlock births and three-fifths of black out-of-wedlock births could be explained by situations where the parents would accept married in the by.[64] This is because, prior to the 1970s, the norm was such that, should a couple have a pregnancy out of spousal relationship, union was inevitable.[64] Cultural norms have since changed, giving women and men more agency to determine whether or when they should get married.[64]

Ascent in divorce rates [edit]

For African Americans who do marry, the rate of divorce is higher than White Americans. While the trend is the same for both African Americans and White Americans, with at least half of marriages for the 2 groups catastrophe in divorce, the rate of divorce tends to be consistently higher for African Americans.[61] African Americans likewise tend to spend less time married than White Americans. Overall, African Americans are married at a after age, spend less time married and are more than probable to be divorced than White Americans.[61]

The turn down and low success rate of black marriages is crucial for study because many African Americans achieve a middle-class condition through union and the likelihood of children growing upwards in poverty is tripled for those in single-parent rather than two-parent homes.[61] Some researchers suggest that the reason for the ascension in divorce rates is the increasing acceptability of divorces. The turn down in social stigma of divorce has led to a decrease in the number of legal barriers of getting a divorce, thus making it easier for couples to divorce.[63]

Black male incarceration and mortality [edit]

In 2006 an estimated 4.8% of black non-Hispanic men were in prison or jail, compared to 1.ix% of Hispanic men of any race and 0.7% of White non-Hispanic men. U.Southward. Agency of Justice Statistics.[65]

Structural barriers are often listed as the reason for the current trends in the African American family construction, specifically the turn down in marriage rates. Imbalanced sex ratios have been cited as i of these barriers since the late nineteenth century, where Census data shows that in 1984, there were 99 blackness males for every 100 black females within the population.[61] 2003 census data shows there are 91 black males for every 100 females.[61]

Blackness male person incarceration and higher mortality rates are often pointed to for these imbalanced sex ratios. Although black males make up 6% of the population, they make upward fifty% of those who are incarcerated.[61] This incarceration rate for black males increased past a charge per unit of more four between the years of 1980 and 2003. The incarceration rate for African American males is iii,045 out of 100,000 compared to 465 per 100,000 White American males.[61] In many areas effectually the country, the chance that black males will be arrested and jailed at to the lowest degree once in their lifetime is extremely high. For Washington, D.C., this probability is between 80 and 90%.[61]

Because black males are incarcerated at six times the charge per unit of white males, the skewed incarceration rates harm these black males likewise as their families and communities. Incarceration tin affect former inmates and their future in society long later they go out prison. Those that have been incarcerated lose masculinity, as incarceration can affect a man's confirmation of his identity equally a male parent. After being released from prison, efforts to reestablish or sustain connections and be agile within the family are often unsuccessful.[66]

Incarceration can be damaging to familial ties and can have a negative event on family relations and a man's sense of masculinity.[66] In 34 states, those who are on parole or probation are not allowed to vote, and in 12 states a felony conviction ways never voting again.[67] A criminal record affects i'south ability to secure federal benefits or go a job, equally one Northwestern Academy study found that blacks with a criminal record were the least likely to be chosen back for a task interview in a comparison of black and white applicants.[68]

Incarceration has been associated with a higher risk of disease, increased likelihood of smoking cigarettes, and premature decease, impacting these former inmates and their ability to be normalized in society.[67] This farther impacts social structure, as studies show that paternal incarceration may contribute to children's behavioral problems and lower performance in school.[69] Also, the female person partners of male inmates are more likely to suffer from depression and struggle economically.[67] These furnishings contribute to the barriers impacting the African American family construction.

The mortality rates for African American males are also typically higher than they are for African American females. Between 1980 and 2003, 4,744 to 27,141 more African American males died annually than African American females.[61] This higher incarceration rate and mortality charge per unit helps to explain[ original research? ] the low marriage rates for many African American females who cannot find black partners.

Implications [edit]

New York'due south late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, photographed in 1998.

The Moynihan Report, written by Assistant Secretary of Labor, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, initiated the debate on whether the African-American family structure leads to negative outcomes, such as poverty, teenage pregnancy and gaps in education or whether the reverse is true and the African American family unit structure is a result of institutional discrimination, poverty and other segregation.[seventy] Regardless of the causality, researchers have constitute a consequent relationship betwixt the current African American family construction and poverty, education, and pregnancy.[71] According to C. Eric Lincoln, the Negro family's "enduring sickness" is the absent-minded father from the African-American family structure.[72]

C. Eric Lincoln likewise suggests that the implied American idea that poverty, teen pregnancy, and poor education performance has been the struggle for the African-American community is due to the absent African-American father. According to the Moynihan Study, the failure of a male dominated subculture, which only exist in the African-American culture, and reliance on the matriarchal control has been greatly present in the African-American family structure for the by three centuries.[73] This absence of the father, or "mistreatment", has resulted in the African-American crime rate being higher than the National average, African-American drug habit being higher than whites, and rates of illegitimacy being at least 25% or higher than whites.[73] A family needs the presence of both parents for the youth to "learn the values and expectations of social club."[72]

Poverty [edit]

Black single-parent homes headed by women still demonstrate how relevant the feminization of poverty is. Blackness women often work in low-paying and female-dominated occupations.[74] [ needs update ] Blackness women likewise make upwards a large per centum of poverty-afflicted people.[74] Additionally, the racialization of poverty in combination with its feminization creates farther hindrances for youth growing up black, in single-parent homes, and in poverty.[74] For married couple families in 2007, there was a 5.8% poverty rate.[75]

This number, however, varied when considering race so that v.four% of all white people,[76] 9.vii% of blackness people,[77] and xiv.9% of all Hispanic people lived in poverty.[78] These numbers increased for single-parent homes, with 26.6% of all single-parent families living in poverty,[75] 22.5% of all white single-parent people,[76] 44.0% of all single-parent blackness people,[77] and 33.4% of all single-parent Hispanic people[78] living in poverty.

While bulk stance tends to center on the increase in poverty every bit a result of unmarried-parent homes, research has shown that this is not always the case. In one study examining the effects of single-parent homes on parental stress and practices, the researchers found that family unit structure and marital status were non as big a factor every bit poverty and the experiences the mothers had while growing upward.[79] Furthermore, the authors found trivial parental dysfunction in parenting styles and efficacy for single-mothers, suggesting that 2-parent homes are not always the only type of successful family structures.[79] The authors suggest that focus should also be placed on the poverty that African Americans face up as a whole, rather than just those who live in single-parent homes and those who are of the typical African American family unit structure.[79]

Educational performance [edit]

In that location is consensus in the literature about the negative consequences of growing upwards in single-parent homes on educational attainment and success.[71] Children growing up in single-parent homes are more likely to non finish school and generally obtain fewer years of schooling than those in two-parent homes.[71] Specifically, boys growing upwardly in homes with only their mothers are more likely to receive poorer grades and display behavioral bug.[71]

For blackness high school students, the African American family unit construction also affects their educational goals and expectations.[71] Studies on the topic have indicated that children growing upwards in single-parent homes face disturbances in young childhood, adolescence and young adulthood as well.[71] Although these effects are sometimes minimal and contradictory, it is generally agreed that the family unit structure a kid grows up in is important for their success in the educational sphere.[71] This is particularly important for African American children who have a fifty% chance of being born outside of marriages and growing up in a dwelling with a single-parent.[79]

Some arguments for the reasoning behind this drop in attainment for single-parent homes point to the socioeconomic issues that arise from mother-headed homes. Especially relevant for families centered on black matriarchy, one theory posits that the reason children of female-headed households do worse in education is because of the economic insecurity that results because of single maternity.[71] Single parent mothers ofttimes take lower incomes and thus may be removed from the home and forced to work more hours, and are sometimes forced to motion into poorer neighborhoods with fewer educational resources.[71]

Other theories point to the importance of male part models and fathers in item, for the evolution of children emotionally and cognitively, especially boys.[71] Even for fathers who may not exist in the home, studies have shown that fourth dimension spent with fathers has a positive human relationship with psychological well-being including less low and anxiety. Additionally, emotional support from fathers is related to fewer delinquency problems and lower drug and marijuana use.[80]

Teen pregnancy [edit]

Teenage and unplanned pregnancies pose threats for those who are afflicted by them with these unplanned pregnancies leading to greater divorce rates for young individuals who marry after having a child. In one study, 60% of the immature married parents had separated inside the first five years of marriage.[81] Additionally, every bit reported in one commodity, unplanned pregnancies are often cited equally a reason for immature parents dropping out, resulting in greater economic burdens and instabilities for these teenage parents later on.[81]

Another written report constitute that paternal attitudes towards sexuality and sexual expression at a immature historic period were more than likely to decide sexual behaviors by teens regardless of maternal opinions on the matter.[81] For these youths, the opinions of the male parent afflicted their behaviors in positive ways, regardless of whether the parent lived in or out of the home and the age of the educatee.[81] Some other study looking at how mother–daughter relationships affect teenage pregnancy found that negative parental relationships led to teenage daughters dating afterward, getting pregnant before, and having more than sex partners.[82]

Teens who lived in a married family have been shown to have a lower run a risk for teenage pregnancy.[83] Teenage girls in single-parent families were half dozen times more than likely to get pregnant and 2.8 times more likely to engage in sex at an earlier age than girls in married family homes.[84]

Criticism and back up [edit]

Cosby and Poussaint's criticism of the single-parent family unit [edit]

Bill Cosby has criticized the current land of single-parenting dominating black family structure. In a speech to the NAACP in 2004, Cosby said, "In the neighborhood that virtually of us grew up in, parenting is not going on. You lot have the pile-up of these sweet beautiful things born by nature—raised past no one."[85]

In Cosby'due south 2007 book Come up On People: On the Path from Victims to Victors, co-authored with psychiatrist Alvin Poussaint, Cosby and Poussaint write that "A firm without a father is a challenge," and that "A neighborhood without fathers is a catastrophe."[85] Cosby and Poussaint write that mothers "have difficulty showing a son how to exist a homo," and that this presents a problem when at that place are no father figures around to show boys how to channel their natural aggressiveness in constructive ways.[85] Cosby and Poussaint also write, "We wonder if much of these kids' rage was born when their fathers abased them."[85]

Cosby and Poussaint state that exact and emotional abuse of the children is prominent in the parenting style of some black unmarried mothers, with serious developmental consequences for the children.[85] "Words like 'You lot're stupid,' 'Yous're an idiot,' 'I'grand sorry you were built-in,' or 'You'll never corporeality to anything' can stick a dagger in a child's centre."[85] "Unmarried mothers angry with men, whether their current boyfriends or their children'southward fathers, regularly transfer their rage to their sons, since they're agape to take information technology out on the adult males"[85] Cosby and Poussaint write that this formative parenting environment in the blackness single parent family leads to a "wounded acrimony—of children toward parents, women toward men, men toward their mothers and women in general".[85]

Policy proposals [edit]

Authors Angela Hattery and Earl Smith have proffered solutions to addressing the loftier rate of black children existence born out of wedlock.[86] : 285–315 Iii of Hattery and Smith'southward solutions focus on parental support for children, equal access to education, and alternatives to incarceration for nonviolent offenders. Co-ordinate to Hattery and Smith, African-American families are within a system that is "pitted" confronting them and there are some institutional solutions and individual solutions that America and its citizens can do to reduce implications associated with the African-American family structure.[86] : 315

Parental back up for children [edit]

According to Hattery and Smith, around 50% of African-American children are poor considering they are dependent on a single mother.[86] : 305 In states like Wisconsin, for a child to be the recipient of welfare or receive the "helpmate fare", their parents must be married.[86] : 306 Hattery acknowledges i truth nigh this law, which is that information technology recognizes that a child is "entitled" to the fiscal and emotional support of both parents. One of Hattery and Smith'south solutions is found around the idea that an African-American child is entitled to the fiscal and emotional support of both parents. The government does require the noncustodial parents to pay a percentage to their child every month, but according to Hattery the just way this will help eliminate child poverty is if these policies are actively enforced.[86] : 306

Education equality [edit]

For the past 400 years of America'southward life many African-Americans accept been denied the proper pedagogy needed to provide for the traditional American family unit structure.[86] : 308 Hattery suggests that the schools and education resources bachelor to well-nigh African-Americans are nether-equipped and unable provide their students with the knowledge needed to exist college ready.[86] : 174 In 2005 The Manhattan Establish for Policy Research report showed that even though integration has been a push more recently, over the past fifteen years there has been a 13% turn down in integration in public schools.[86] : 174

These same reports also testify that in 2002, 56% of African-American students graduated from high school with a diploma, while 78% of whites students graduated. If students practice not feel they are learning, they will not continue to go to school. This conclusion is fabricated from the Manhattan Establish for Policy Research report that stated just 23% of African-American students who graduated from public high school felt college-prepare.[86] : 174 Hatterly suggests that the government invest into the African-American family unit by investing in the African-American children's education.[86] : 308 A solution is found in providing the aforementioned resources provided to schools that are predominantly white. According to Hatterly, through teaching equality the African-American family structure tin increase opportunities to prosper with equality in employment, wages, and wellness insurance.[86] : 308

Alternatives to incarceration [edit]

According to Hattery and Smith 25–33% of African-American men are spending fourth dimension in jail or prison and according to Thomas, Krampe, and Newton 28% of African-American children do non alive with any father representative.[36] [86] : 310 According to Hatterly, the government can end this state of affairs that many African-American children feel due to the absenteeism of their begetter.[86] : 285–315 Hatterly suggests probation or treatment (for alcohol or drugs) as alternatives to incarceration. Incarceration not only continues the negative assumption of the African-American family construction, simply perpetuates poverty, single parenthood, and the separation of family units.[86] : 310

See also [edit]

Publications:

  • Is Marriage for White People?: How the African American Marriage Reject Affects Anybody

General:

  • African American culture
  • Family construction in the United States
  • Feminization of poverty
  • African Americans and birth command
  • Black genocide

References [edit]

  1. ^ *Grove, Robert D.; Hetzel, Alice M. (1968). Vital Statistics Rates in the United States 1940-1960 (PDF) (Report). Public Health Service Publication. Vol. 1677. U.S. Section of Health, Instruction, and Welfare, U.S. Public Health Service, National Center for Health Statistics. p. 185.
    • Ventura, Stephanie J.; Bachrach, Christine A. (October xviii, 2000). Nonmarital Childbearing in the U.s., 1940-99 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 48. Centers for Illness Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Arrangement. pp. 28–31.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady Due east.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Park, Melissa M. (Feb 12, 2002). Births: Terminal Data for 2000 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 50. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Arrangement. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Park, Melissa M.; Sutton, Paul D. (December 18, 2002). Births: Terminal Data for 2001 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 51. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics Organisation. p. 47.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady East.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Munson, Martha L. (December 17, 2003). Births: Final Information for 2002 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 52. Centers for Affliction Command and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Arrangement. p. 57.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady Eastward.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Munson, Martha L. (September viii, 2005). Births: Terminal Data for 2003 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 54. Centers for Affliction Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Organisation. p. 52.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Kirmeyer, Sharon (September 29, 2006). Births: Last Data for 2004 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 55. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Heart for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 57.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Munson, Martha Fifty. (December 5, 2007). Births: Final Data for 2005 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 56. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Heart for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 57.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Menacker, Fay; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Mathews, T.J. (January 7, 2009). Births: Final Data for 2006 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 57. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Centre for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 54.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Mathews, T.J.; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Osterman, Michelle J.K. (August 9, 2010). Births: Last Data for 2007 (PDF) (Study). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 58. Centers for Illness Control and Prevention, National Eye for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady Due east.; Sutton, Paul D.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Mathews, T.J.; Osterman, Michelle J.1000. (December viii, 2010). Births: Final Data for 2008 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 59. Centers for Illness Control and Prevention, National Middle for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady East.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Osterman, Michelle J.1000.; Kirmeyer, Sharon; Mathews, T.J.; Wilson, Elizabeth C. (November 3, 2011). Births: Concluding Data for 2009 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 60. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 46.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Osterman, Michelle J.G.; Wilson, Elizabeth C.; Mathews, T.J. (Baronial 28, 2012). Births: Last Data for 2010 (PDF) (Written report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 61. Centers for Affliction Control and Prevention, National Middle for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 45.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Ventura, Stephanie J.; Osterman, Michelle J.K.; Mathews, T.J. (June 28, 2013). Births: Last Information for 2011 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 62. Centers for Illness Command and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. 43.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady E.; Osterman, Michelle J.K.; Curtin, Sally C. (Dec thirty, 2013). Births: Final Data for 2012 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 62. Centers for Illness Command and Prevention, National Center for Wellness Statistics, National Vital Statistics Arrangement. p. 41.
    • Martin, Joyce A.; Hamilton, Brady East.; Osterman, Michelle J.One thousand.; Curtin, Sally C.; Mathews, T.J. (Jan fifteen, 2015). Births: Concluding Data for 2013 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 64. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. p. forty.
    • Hamilton, Brady Due east.; Martin, Joyce A.; Osterman, Michelle J.K.; Curtin, Sally C.; Mathews, T.J. (December 23, 2015). Births: Concluding Data for 2014 (PDF) (Report). National Vital Statistics Reports. Vol. 64. Centers for Affliction Command and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics System. pp. 7 & 41.
  2. ^ a b c "Moynihan'south War on Poverty report". Archived from the original on 2017-01-20. Retrieved 2015-07-31 .
  3. ^ Daniel P. Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action, Washington, D.C., Office of Policy Planning and Research, U.S. Section of Labor, 1965.
  4. ^ National Review, April iv, 1994, p. 24.
  5. ^ "Blacks struggle with 72 percent unwed mothers rate", Jesse Washington, NBC News, July 11, 2010
  6. ^ "For blacks, the Pyrrhic Victory of the Obama Era, Jason L. Riley, The Wall Street Journal, November 4, 2012
  7. ^ "National Vital Statistics Reports" (PDF). 68 (13). November 27, 2019: 9. Retrieved 1 January 2021.
  8. ^ a b c d eastward Pew Research Intermarriage in the U.S. 50 Years After Loving v. Virginia May 18, 2017
  9. ^ Wong, Linda Y. (2003). "Why so but 5.5% of Black Men Marry White Women?". International Economic Review. 44 (three): 803–826. doi:ten.1111/1468-2354.T01-1-00090. S2CID 45703289.
  10. ^ Morgan, South.; Antonio McDaniel; Andrew T. Miller; Samuel H. Preston. (1993). "Racial differences in household and family unit structure at the plow of the century". American Journal of Folklore. 98 (4): 799–828. doi:10.1086/230090. S2CID 145358763.
  11. ^ a b c Washington, Jesse (2010-11-06). "Blacks struggle with 72 percentage unwed mothers rate - Boston.com". AP . Retrieved 31 July 2014.
  12. ^ a b c Daniel P. Moynihan, The Negro Family: The Case for National Activeness, Washington, D.C., Function of Policy Planning and Inquiry, U.S. Department of Labor, 1965.
  13. ^ a b c d due east f 1000 Ruggles, S. (1994). The origins of African-American family structure. American Sociological Review, 136–151.
  14. ^ Hershberg, Theodore (Winter 1971–1972). "Costless Blacks in Antebellum Philadelphia: A Study of Ex-Slaves, Freeborn, and Socioeconomic Pass up". Journal of Social History. 5 (two): 190. doi:10.1353/jsh/5.2.183. JSTOR 3786411. Data from the Abolitionist and Quaker censuses, the U. Southward. Census of 1880 and Westward. East. B. Du Bois' written report of the seventh ward in 1896–97 indicate, in each instance, that two-parent households were characteristic of 78 percent of black families.
  15. ^ Giordano, Joseph; Levine, Irving G. (Winter 1977). "Carter's Family Policy: The Pluralist's Claiming". Periodical of Electric current Social Problems. xiv (1): 50. ISSN 0041-7211. Reproduced in White Business firm Conference on Families, 1978: Articulation Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Child and Homo Development of the Committee on Human Resources, Us Senate... Washington: U.S. Government Printing Role. 1978. p. 490.
  16. ^ National Review, April 4, 1994, p. 24.
  17. ^ Lofquist, Daphne; Terry Lugaila; Martin O'Connell; Sarah Feliz. "Households and Families: 2010" (PDF). United states of america Census Agency, American Community Survey Briefs. Retrieved 15 Apr 2013.
  18. ^ Camarota, y Steven A. "Births to Unmarried Mothers by Nativity and Education". Center for Immigration Studies . Retrieved 8 July 2020.
  19. ^ "Black Wedlock in America". Blackdemographics.com/. Akiim DeShay. Retrieved 8 July 2020.
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h i Billingsley, Andrew (1992). Climbing Jacob's Ladder . New York, New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 32. ISBN9780671677084.
  21. ^ a b Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (third ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 119. ISBN0803955723.
  22. ^ a b c Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Blackness families (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 120. ISBN0803955723.
  23. ^ a b Stewart, James (1990). "Back to Nuts: The Significance of Du Bois's and Frazier's Contributions for Contemporary Enquiry on Black Families". In Cheatham,Harold and James Stewart (ed.). Blackness Families Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. p. 10.
  24. ^ Louis, Jacobson. "CNN'south Don Lemon says more than 72 percent of African-American births are out of wedlock". Politifact . Retrieved February iii, 2021.
  25. ^ Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (third ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. pp. 119–120. ISBN0803955723.
  26. ^ Giddings, Andrew Billingsley ; foreword by Paula (1992). Climbing Jacob's ladder : the enduring legacy of African-American families (Pbk. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 42. ISBN067167708X.
  27. ^ a b Giddings, Andrew Billingsley ; foreword by Paula (1992). Climbing Jacob'south ladder : the indelible legacy of African-American families (Pbk. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 44. ISBN067167708X.
  28. ^ Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (third ed.). One thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 124. ISBN0803955723.
  29. ^ Paul C. Glick, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (tertiary ed.). Grand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 121. ISBN0803955723.
  30. ^ U.S. Bureau of the Demography "Table lx. Married Couples past Race and Hispanic Origin of Spouses" Archived 2015-01-01 at the Wayback Machine, December 15, 2010 (Excel table Archived 2012-10-13 at the Wayback Auto)
  31. ^ U.Due south. Bureau of the Demography "Statistical Abstract of the U.s.a., 1982-83" [ permanent dead link ] , 1983. Section one: Population, file 1982-02.pdf, 170 pp.
  32. ^ Fryer, Jr., Roland G. (Jump 2007). "Guess Who's Been Coming to Dinner? Trends in Interracial Wedlock over the 20th Century". Journal of Economical Perspectives. 21 (ii): 71–xc. doi:10.1257/jep.21.ii.71. S2CID 12895779.
  33. ^ Stewart, James (1990). "Back to Basics: The Significance of Du Bois's and Frazier's Contributions for Contemporary Inquiry on Blackness Families". In Cheatham,Harold and James Stewart (ed.). Black Families Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. p. 12.
  34. ^ Stewart, James (1990). "Back to Basics: The Significance of Du Bois'due south and Frazier's Contributions for Contemporary Research on Black Families". In Cheatham,Harold and James Stewart (ed.). Black Families Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. p. xx.
  35. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, Eastward. M.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Father Presence, Family Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Begetter Amid Developed African American Children". Journal of Blackness Studies. 38 (4): 529–546. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  36. ^ a b c Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, E. One thousand.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Father Presence, Family Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Father Among Adult African American Children". Journal of Black Studies. 38 (4): 536. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  37. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, East. Chiliad.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Male parent Presence, Family Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Begetter Amid Adult African American Children". Journal of Black Studies. 38 (four): 531. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  38. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, E. M.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Father's Presence, Family Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Male parent Amongst Adult African American Children". Journal of Black Studies. 38 (iv): 541. doi:10.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  39. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, Due east. M.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Father Presence, Family unit Construction, and Feelings of Closeness to the Male parent Among Developed African American Children". Periodical of Black Studies. 38 (4): 542. doi:ten.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  40. ^ Thomas, P. A.; Krampe, Due east. Thou.; Newton, R. R. (19 March 2007). "Male parent Presence, Family Structure, and Feelings of Closeness to the Father Among Developed African American Children". Periodical of Blackness Studies. 38 (4): 544. doi:x.1177/0021934705286101. S2CID 143241093.
  41. ^ John McAdoo, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo (1997). Black families (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. pp. 184–186. ISBN0803955723.
  42. ^ Allen, Quaylan (2016-08-08). "'Tell your ain story': manhood, masculinity and racial socialization among blackness fathers and their sons". Indigenous and Racial Studies. 39 (x): 1831–1848. doi:10.1080/01419870.2015.1110608. ISSN 0141-9870. S2CID 147515010.
  43. ^ Wilson, Melvin (1995). African American family unit life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. pp. 5–22. ISBN0787999164.
  44. ^ a b editor, Melvin N. Wilson (1995). African American family life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. p. 9. ISBN0787999164.
  45. ^ a b c editor, Melvin Due north. Wilson (1995). African American family life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. p. 10. ISBN0787999164.
  46. ^ editor, Melvin Due north. Wilson (1995). African American family life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. p. 7. ISBN0787999164.
  47. ^ a b edited by Norma J. Burgess; Eurnestine Brown (2000). African American women : an ecological perspective. New York [u.a.]: Falmer Press. p. 59. ISBN0815315910.
  48. ^ editor, Melvin N. Wilson (1995). African American family unit life its structural and ecological aspects. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. pp. half-dozen–7. ISBN0787999164.
  49. ^ edited past Norma J. Burgess; Eurnestine Brown (2000). African American women : an ecological perspective. New York [u.a.]: Falmer Press. pp. 58–59. ISBN0815315910.
  50. ^ Margaret Spencer, edited by Harold East. Cheatham; Stewart, James B. (1990). Black families : interdisciplinary perspectives (2nd ed.). New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. pp. 111–112. ISBN0887388124.
  51. ^ Margaret Spencer, edited past Harold E. Cheatham; Stewart, James B. (1990). Black families : interdisciplinary perspectives (second ed.). New Brunswick, Northward.J.: Transaction Publishers. p. 112. ISBN0887388124.
  52. ^ Margaret Spencer, edited by Harold E. Cheatham; Stewart, James B. (1990). Black families : interdisciplinary perspectives (2nd ed.). New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. pp. 124–125. ISBN0887388124.
  53. ^ a b Billingsley, Andrew (1992). Climbing Jacob'southward Ladder . New York, New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 58. ISBN9780671677084.
  54. ^ a b Giddings, Andrew Billingsley ; foreword by Paula (1992). Climbing Jacob'southward ladder : the enduring legacy of African-American families (Pbk. ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. 60–61. ISBN067167708X.
  55. ^ a b c d due east Jones, Deborah J.; Zalot, Alecia A.; Foster, Sarah E.; Sterrett, Emma; Chester, Charlene (22 December 2006). "A Review of Childrearing in African American Unmarried Mother Families: The Relevance of a Coparenting Framework". Journal of Child and Family Studies. 16 (five): 671–683. doi:x.1007/s10826-006-9115-0. S2CID 12970902.
  56. ^ Gordy, Cynthia. "Welfare, Fathers and Those Persistent Myths". The Root . Retrieved 2019-04-29 .
  57. ^ a b c McDaniel, Antonio (1990). "The Power of Civilisation: A Review of the Idea of Africa's Influence on Family Structure in Antebellum America". Journal of Family unit History. 15 (2): 225–238. doi:10.1177/036319909001500113. S2CID 143705470.
  58. ^ Williams, Walter Eastward. (June viii, 2005). "Victimhood: Rhetoric or reality?". Jewish Earth Review. Creators Syndicate. Archived from the original on Nov 11, 2005. Retrieved June i, 2020.
  59. ^ a b Sowell, Thomas (August 16, 2004). "A painful ceremony". Creators Syndicate. Archived from the original on August eighteen, 2004. Retrieved June 1, 2020.
  60. ^ MacLean, Nancy. The American Women's Movement, 1945–2000: A Brief History with Documents (2008)
  61. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k 50 m n o Dixon, P (2009). "Matrimony among African Americans: What does the enquiry reveal?". Journal of African American Studies. thirteen (1): 29–46. doi:x.1007/s12111-008-9062-v. S2CID 143539013.
  62. ^ a b Ruggles, Steven (1997). "The rise of divorce and separation in the United States, 1880–1990". Demography. 34 (four): 455–466. doi:10.2307/3038300. JSTOR 3038300. PMC3065932. PMID 9545625.
  63. ^ a b c d due east Akerlof, Grand. A.; Yellen, J. L.; Katz, K. L. (1996). "An analysis of out-of-union childbearing in the U.s.a.". The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 111 (2): 277–317. doi:ten.2307/2946680. JSTOR 2946680.
  64. ^ Prison and Jail Inmates at Midyear 2006 Archived 2013-03-03 at the Wayback Machine (NCJ 217675). U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Male incarceration by race. The percentages are for adult males, and are from folio 1 of the PDF file Archived 2011-ten-27 at the Wayback Machine.
  65. ^ a b Dyer, W.M (2005). "Prison Fathers, and Identity: A Theory of How Incarceration Affects Men's Paternal Identity". Fathering: A Journal of Theory, Research, and Practice Nearly Men every bit Fathers. 3 (3): 201–219. doi:10.3149/fth.0303.201. S2CID 12297600.
  66. ^ a b c Chocolate-brown, Tony; Patterson, Evelyn (28 June 2016). "Wounds From Incarceration that Never Heal". The New Republic. The New Commonwealth. Retrieved 25 April 2019.
  67. ^ Cost, Lee. "Racial discrimination continues to play a part in hiring decisions". Economic Policy Found. EPI. Retrieved 25 April 2019.
  68. ^ Wildeman, Christopher (September 2010). "Paternal Incarceration and Children's Physically Aggressive Behaviors: Testify from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study". Social Forces. 89 (1): 285–309. doi:10.1353/sof.2010.0055. S2CID 45247503.
  69. ^ Rose M. Rivers, ed. by Harriette Pipes McAdoo; John Scanzoni (1997). Blackness families (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]: Sage. p. 334. ISBN0803955723.
  70. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Heiss, Jerold (August 1996). "Effects of African American Family unit Structure on School Attitudes and Functioning". Social Problems. 43 (iii): 246–267. doi:10.2307/3096977. JSTOR 3096977.
  71. ^ a b Staples, [compiled by] Robert (1998). The blackness Family : essays and studies (sixth ed.). Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Pub. Co. pp. 343–349. ISBN9780534552961.
  72. ^ a b Staples, [compiled by] Robert (1998). The black family : essays and studies (6th ed.). Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Pub. Co. pp. 37–58. ISBN9780534552961.
  73. ^ a b c Claude, J. (1986). Poverty patterns for black men and women. The Black Scholar, 17(5), twenty–23.
  74. ^ a b U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey. People in Families past Family unit Structure, Historic period, and Sex activity, Iterated by Income-to-Poverty Ratio and Race: 2007: Below 100% of Poverty – All Races Archived 2008-09-30 at the Wayback Machine.
  75. ^ a b U.S. Census Bureau. Current Population Survey. People in Families past Family Construction, Historic period, and Sexual practice, Iterated by Income-to-Poverty Ratio and Race: 2007: Beneath 100% of Poverty – White Alone Archived 2009-04-13 at the Wayback Motorcar.
  76. ^ a b "Poverty three-Office 100_06". Pubdb3.census.gov. 2008-08-26. Archived from the original on 2011-06-12. Retrieved 2010-09-16 .
  77. ^ a b "Poverty 2-Function 100_09". Pubdb3.demography.gov. 2008-08-26. Archived from the original on 2010-01-08. Retrieved 2010-09-16 .
  78. ^ a b c d Cain, D. S., & Combs-Orme, T. (2005). Family construction furnishings on parenting stress and practices in the African American family unit. J. Soc. & Soc. Welfare, 32, 19.
  79. ^ Zimmerman, M. A.; Salem, D. A.; Maton, K. I. (1995). "Family Construction and Psychosocial Correlates among Urban African‐American Adolescent Males". Kid Development. 66 (6): 1598–1613. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.1995.tb00954.x. PMID 8556888. Regardless of the causality, researchers take found a consistent relationship between the electric current African American family construction and poverty, education, and pregnancy.
  80. ^ a b c d Dittus, P. J.; Jaccard, J.; Gordon, Five. V. (1997). "The bear on of African American fathers on adolescent sexual beliefs". Periodical of Youth and Adolescence. 26 (iv): 445–465. doi:10.1023/a:1024533422103. S2CID 142626784.
  81. ^ Scott, Joseph (1993). "African American Daughter-Mother Relations and Teenage Pregnancy: 2 Faces of Premarital Teenage Pregnancy". Western Journal of Black Studies. 17 (2): 73–81. PMID 12346138.
  82. ^ Yacob, Anaiah (2015-02-06). "The State of Black Family Structure 2015: A Curse of Dysfunctional Family unit". WhoAreIsraelites.Org . Retrieved 2016-11-06 .
  83. ^ Moore, Mignon; P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale (2001). "Sexual Intercourse and Pregnancy among African American Girls in Loftier-Poverty Neighborhoods: The Role of Family and Perceived Community Environment". Periodical of Matrimony and Family unit. 63 (4): 1146–1157. doi:10.1111/j.1741-3737.2001.01146.x.
  84. ^ a b c d due east f chiliad h Magnet, Myron (2008). "The Swell African-American Enkindling". City Periodical. 18 (3).
  85. ^ a b c d eastward f g h i j yard fifty thou north Hattery, Angela J.; Smith, Earl (2007). African American families. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications. ISBN9781412924665.

mossfouldlairity.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African-American_family_structure

You may like these posts

Post a Comment for "Us Black Single Parent Families in Poverty by State"